The past twenty years have seen Paraguay emerge from the shadow of dictatorship and attempt to join the ranks of democratic nations throughout the world. There are some, however, who argue that the nation has not been able to pull itself out of the hold of authoritarianism. They claim that Paraguay is languishing in a kind of half-state, its government exhibiting many of the superficial characteristics of popular democracy, but acting in a manner more befitting a controlling centralized regime (Sondrol, 2007). The idea of a modern democracy carries with it assumptions of free access to information, especially through information and communication technologies (ICT). Paraguay lags behind other Latin American countries in ICT development, access, and usage (Gasco, 2005, p.692). Without free access to information through ICTs, citizens cannot effectively function as members of a true modern democracy. Likewise, without a more effective democratic form of governance, ICT development in Paraguay will not progress to a satisfactory and fully functioning stage. These two issues feed into each other. A tendency toward authoritarianism and the lack of ICT development combine to create a progressive downward spiral that cannot be reversed until one or both of the problems is resolved.
Historical and Political Background
Paul Sondrol (2007), a professor of political science at the University of Colorado, argues that Paraguay exhibits the characteristics of a semi-authoritarian regime. He introduces this claim to his colleagues in the Inter-University Seminar on Armed Forces and Society by citing the characteristics of semi-authoritarian rule:
(1) Limits on the electoral transfer of power via the existence of various blocking mechanisms, (2) weak institutionalization despite democratic trappings, (3) policy disconnect between political and economic liberalization controlled and manipulated by the regime, and (4) limits on civil society/grassroots efforts toward democracy. (p. 48)
Sondrol (2007) goes on to cite the specifics of Paraguay’s authoritarian tendencies. Power has rested in the hands of a single party for 60 years. The Colorado Party has had an unbroken streak of dominance in government leadership, stretching from 1947 to 2008. The party has been able to retain control by allying itself with the military and large-landowners that, together, “remained uncommitted, beyond expediency, to democracy” (p. 54).
The article also details how, during the past 20 years, the government of Paraguay has proved incapable of preventing “succession crises and coup attempts [that] are perhaps the most obvious confirmation of the weakness of institutions and the irrelevance of processes to replace or hold office holders accountable via elections and laws” (Sondrol, 2007, p. 55). The 1996 coup attempt of General Lino Oviedo, the corruption of President Cubas, and the assassination of Vice President Luis Argana are all indicative of “the secret intrigue, back-and-forth power grabs, and institutional manipulation” (p. 56) that is common in Paraguay.
Although Paraguay has dressed itself in the trappings of democracy, claiming free and regular elections, the liberalization of politics, and civil and political rights, the country still suffers from an underlying lack of reform. Sondrol (2007) states that “Paraguay’s limited political progress contrasts sharply with the absence of any significant public policy to reduce inequality or poverty, let alone rampant governmental corruption, cronyism, and contraband, reflecting the circumscribed view of democracy by entrenched authoritarian elites” (p. 57). The government is simply not willing to instigate any structural changes that threaten established power.
Sondrol (2007) has concluded that, while “clearly an improvement over the interminable, proto-totalitarian Stroessner dictatorship” (p. 61) from 1954 to 1989, Paraguay still exhibits many authoritarian characteristics that represent “the political decay of democracy” (p. 61). The vast majority of people in Paraguay have been politically marginalized and can find no real stake in the “democracy” that the country currently offers.
The Struggle to Obtain ICTs
Democracy relies on the participation of an informed society. Participation is increasingly facilitated through the use of technologies, especially the Internet. It can be surmised that, in a modern democracy, participation is (to a very real extent) reliant on the effectiveness of ICTs. Specifically, e-government, which deals with “the use of information and communication technologies to support the actions of public administration as well as political processes” (Gasco, 2005, p. 684), can boost citizen access to and participation in democratic governance. E-government can provide citizens with information, interaction, and the ability to complete transactions electronically. The goal is to create a more “citizen-centered” (p. 685) government that is transparent and accountable, something that Paraguay desperately needs.
E-government utility is predicated upon uniform access to its services by the citizens of a community or nation. Access is largely determined by ICT infrastructure, something Paraguay is lacking. Mila Gasco (2005), a member of the International Institute on Governance in Barcelona, has investigated the gap in South American e-government utilization and notes the factors that promote e-government disability.
Gasco (2005), in an effort to inform both scholars and policy makers, highlights the state reform and modernization process as key to the implementation of ICTs. She states that “in those public organizations, such as the South American ones, where reform has hardly taken place due to the existence of odd, pre-bureaucratic structures that are difficult to eradicate…the adoption of ICTs by governments tends to fail due to a lack of vision, strategy, political will, and leadership” (p. 688). As shown above by Sondrol, Paraguay has lacked any substantial reform in the past 20 years, during the wave of ICT development across the world.
Additionally, even if there were advances made in the spread of ICTs across Paraguay, there would be issues of service delivery. As experienced by this author, the national road infrastructure is shockingly poor. Bregaglio (2008) points out that there are only three main roads that service the entire nation. He goes on to cite the lack of a fixed-line telephone infrastructure that forces rural citizens to travel 50 miles to access a land-line. Electrical infrastructure is also an issue, Bregaglio states. The Itaipu dam, on the border of Brazil and Paraguay, produces huge amounts of electricity. Due to the lack of electrical infrastructure in Paraguay and an unfavorable treaty, Paraguay is forced to sell its unusable energy to Brazil at discounted prices. Bregaglio attributes these problems to “a lack of investment and the high levels of corruption for over six decades” (p. 159).
Bregaglio (2008) also identifies a unique scenario along the Paraguay/Brazil border that highlights the inequality in ICT access. Over the past 60 years, a distinct group called the Brasiguayos has developed along the border, where they were able to come into Paraguay from Brazil and consolidate ownership of vast tracts of high quality land. This program was sponsored by Stroessner in an effort to gain foreign money. Now, these Portuguese-speaking Brasiguayos possess “greater financial resources and a better understanding of technology…They use new technologies provided by the Brazilian private sector, and get internet access through Brazilian internet service providers” (p. 160). Meanwhile, the Paraguayans, who are often land-working peasants, struggle with the disparity. For them, “access to new technologies is almost non-existent, and the connectivity offered in some cities by Paraguay’s state telecommunication company, COPACO, is slow, costly, and outdated, and generally inaccessible to the Paraguayan peasantry” (p.160). So, not only do the Brasiguayos benefit from the inequitable ownership of land and their connection to Brazil, but the Paraguayans must also deal with the monopoly of state controlled telecommunications.
Bregaglio (2008) closes his brief article by providing four suggestions for increasing ICT growth in Paraguay:
1. Promote and encourage national dialogue on the role of technological change and innovation in economic and social development.
2. Generate proposals that promote the decentralization of internet use and the democratization of access to radio spectrum in order to end the state monopoly.
3. The popularization and democratization of access to science and knowledge and the application of this to the social needs of Paraguay.
4. Promote policies of science, technology and innovation in accordance with policies of macroeconomic stability. These should be in line with social policies that address poverty and inequality. (p. 161)
Emporia State University (ESU) sent a delegation to Paraguay in March 2009 to investigate the role of libraries and information systems in a developing democracy. The delegation witnessed much of what has been cited in this paper, both the good and bad. The ESU group interacted with multiple organizations dedicated to increasing democratic potential through the growth and use of ICTs. The Centro de Informacion y Recursos para el Desarrollo (CIRD) functions as an online NGO directory and publishes democratically-themed documents, both in print and online. The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and Fundacion Paraguaya fund nationwide community telecenters through the Oportunet program. One Laptop per Child is distributing 4,000 laptops to Paraguayan school children this year, providing the benefit of familiarizing students with technology at an early age. These are just a few of the organizations that are making an effort to promote democracy through the expansion of ICT usage in Paraguay.
Conclusion
The continuity of the Colorado Party and its centrality as a semi-authoritarian regime has prevented the modernization of Paraguay. Gasco (2005) argues that democracy can provide the impetus for modernization:
Recent transitions from dictatorial regimes to democratic ones demonstrate the particular need for affecting decentralization in order to achieve full modernization. For long periods of time, many South American countries have had strong central states that have held all the power. That is why the modernization processes that have followed the introduction of democracy have emphasized the need to decentralize. (p. 695)
There must, however, be a distinction between actual democracies and superficial democracies. The fact that Paraguay has not truly modernized fits in with its depiction, by Sondrol (2007), as a semi-authoritarian state.
Until true reform brings about a more deeply engrained sense of democratic responsibilities, ICTs in Paraguay will continue to remain underdeveloped. Although Gasco (2005) emphasizes the role of international organizations in building up ICT infrastructure in developing countries (p. 694), she understands that internal strength and willingness to reform play a key role in creating sustainable development. Surprisingly, Paraguay may have passed a milestone in its journey toward political and technological modernization. Despite Sondrol’s 2007 claim that “electoral authoritarianism and single-party rule reign” (p. 63) in Paraguay, the spring of 2008 brought an unprecedented change of direction in national politics. Former Catholic Bishop, Fernando Lugo, won the presidential election through a grassroots campaign and opposition to the entrenched and corrupt Colorado Party. This coalition, called the Patriotic Alliance for Change, is dedicated to land and social reforms that could create a more equitable and democratic Paraguay (Painter, 2008). Hopefully, Lugo will bring the practice of the Paraguayan government into line with its democratic promises, thereby enabling the increased development of ICTs and their democratizing potential.
These articles illustrate the intertwined fates of democratic government and modern development, specifically ICT growth. The success of one can catalyze the spread of the other, but they are mutually dependent to a frustrating degree. It appears to be a classic catch-22 situation. Lugo’s election, however, may prove to be the impetus needed to break free of the downward spiral of democratic illusion. The success of both Paraguayan democracy and modernization depend on his efforts to bring about substantial and lasting reform.
References
Bregaglio, A. E. (2008). Paraguay. In Global Information Society Watch 2008: Focus on Access to Information. Retrieved May 2, 2009, from http://www.giswatch.org/gisw2008/country/pdf/Paraguay.pdf
Gasco, M. (2005). Exploring the e-government gap in South America. International Journal of Public Administration, 28, 683-701.
Painter, J. (2008, April 17). Paraguay election: Key candidates. BBC News. Retrieved February 26, 2009, from http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/americas/7352148.stm
Sondrol, P. C. (2007). Paraguay: A semi-authoritarian regime? Armed Forces and Society, 34, 46-66.